文言书信敬辞

结语分类总结

请对方回信：
盼即赐复。翘企示复。伫候明教。时候教言。盼祷拔冗见告。万望不吝赐教。
敬祈不时指政(正)。敢请便示一二。尚祈便中见告。如何之处，恭候卓裁。至盼及时示下，以匡不逮，无任感祷。

告诉对方不用劳神回信：

谨此奉闻，勿烦惠答。敬申寸悃，勿劳赐复。

答复对方询问：

辱蒙垂询，略陈固陋，聊博一粲而已。远承下问，粗述鄙见，尚希进而教之。上述陋见，难称雅意，亟祈谅宥。姑道一二，未必为是，仅供参考。不揣冒昧， 匆此布臆，幸勿见笑。

请人应允：

所请之事，务祈垂许。以上请托，恳盼慨允。诸事费神，伏乞俯俞(允)。

表示关切：

伏惟珍摄。不胜祷企。海天在望，不尽依迟(依依思念)。善自保重，至所盼祷。节劳为盼。节哀顺变(用于唁函)。

表示感谢之情：

诸荷优通，再表谢忱。多劳费心，至纫公谊。高谊厚爱，铭感不已。

 

传统结尾应酬用语

应用对象	应用环境	常 用 语
长 辈 亲 友	临书	谨肃寸禀，不尽下怀。
		肃此奉陈，不尽欲言。
	请教	乞赐 指示，俾便遵循。
		幸赐 清诲，不胜铭感。
	请收	伏祈 莞存。 伏望 哂纳。
	候复	乞赐 钧复。 恳赐 钧复。
	申悃	肃此、敬此、肃此奉禀、肃此敬禀。
	保重	寒流来袭，伏请 珍卫。
		寒暖不一，千祈 珍重。
平 辈 亲 友	临书	临纸神驰，不尽欲言。 专此奉达，不尽所怀。
	请教	乞赐 教言，以匡不逮。 如蒙不弃，乞赐 兰言。
	请托	如承 俯诺，实济燃眉。 倘荷 通融，感激不尽。
	请收	敬希 鉴纳。 至祈 台收。
	候复	幸赐好音，不胜感激。
	申悃	特此奉闻。 草此。
	申复	专此敬复。
	申贺	敬申贺忱。 用申贺悃。
	申谢	肃此敬谢。 用申谢忱。
	辞谢	敬抒辞意。 敬达辞忱。
	感谢	感荷 隆情，永志不忘。 私衷铭感，何可直言。
	请鉴	伏乞 鉴察。 伏祈 垂鉴。
		敬祈 明察。 并祈垂照。
	馈赠	土产数包，聊申敬意。 附呈薄仪，聊申下悃。
		谨具芹献，借祝 鹤龄。 薄具菲仪，用申贺敬。
	保重	秋风多厉，珍重为佳。 暑气逼人，诸祈自卫。
	吊唁	恭陈唁意。 借申哀悃。
居丧人	节哀保重	伏祈 节哀顺变。 还乞 稍节哀思。

5 祝辞

5.1

祝辞，就是书信结尾时，对收信人表示祝愿、钦敬或勉慰的短语，如“即颂近安”、“此致敬礼”、“祝你进步”之类。



其中，“即颂”、“此致”、“祝你”等词，紧接正文末尾书写；“近安”、“敬礼”、“进步”等词，另起一行，顶格书写。如果祝颂语的文字较多，也可 独立占行，空两字写起，不必分拆成两部分。如果信笺下方余地充分，或者为了突出祝辞，也可将“祝”、“颁”、“此致”等宇样独占一行，空四格书写，而将 “安”、“好”、“敬礼”等另行顶格书写。顶格书写的祝辞后一般不加标点符号。祝辞应根据具体情况恰当择用。

Table 5.1 传统请安用语

应用对象	常 用 语
祖父母、父母	敬叩金安 敬请福安
尊长	恭请福安 敬请康安 顺请福履 顺叩崇祺 敬请崇禧 虔请崇安 恭请福绥
老师	敬请讲安 虔请诲安 肃请麈安 祗叩教安
上级	恭请德安 敬请勋安 祗请钧安
平辈	祝你安好 此颂曼福 即请道安 敬颂台安 敬颂大安 顺颂时绥 即颂时祺 此颂时祉 敬候佳祉 即颂佳胜 即颂近祺 此祝康吉 即候日祉 顺候起居 并祝安健
小辈	顺询近祉 此询近佳 即问近好 即问日佳
文化人	敬候撰安 敬祝著安 即颂著祺 敬请文安 即颂文祺 祗请著安 祗颂道安 顺颂撰安 即颂文址
女性长辈	敬颂壼安壶安 敬候坤祺
女性小辈	此询壶佳 即询闰好
商人	即请财安 顺颂筹安 顺颂商祺
旅途者	敬请旅安 顺请客安 顺颂旅祺 顺候旅祉
贺喜信	敬请俪安 恭贺燕喜 顺贺大喜
贺年信	敬贺年禧 敬贺年禧 顺贺新祺 顺贺新禧
季节	敬请春安 即颂春祺 并颂春禧 顺候夏址 此颂暑安 即候夏安 即请秋安 顺颂秋祺 并请秋安 敬颂冬绥 此请炉安 即请冬安

此致敬礼”浅说

仇润喜

“此致敬礼”是书信常用语。因有多种用法及“变体”，易发生误读，故有此浅说。

作为信末祝颂问安语，其主要用法是：

其一，最基本的是动宾结构的“此致敬礼”。意思非常明白：在此给您敬礼。写法上分两行，“此致”靠后，“敬礼”另起一行顶格。从领袖到平民，从作家到学生，公函私札，使用相当普遍。

其二，旧时书信，有将称谓语写在次行、信中或信末的。称谓语在信末则必须在“此致”的次行顶格书写。“致”字是其本意“给予”的意思。如周恩来致广东省兴宁县罗县长的信（1925年4月15日）、鲁迅致开明书店（1933年3月11日，“此致”写作“此请”）。其实，当代在会议通知、请柬中，此用法尚未绝迹。

其三，有“此致”无“敬礼”。其实，前一种用法已无“敬礼”了，但这里的“此”是对全信的一种概指，“致”的意思是“尽”、“结束”。“此”、“致”连用，表示“要说（写）的已经说（写）完”，作用在于煞尾。煞尾语后，另写祝颂问安语。常见的如“此致，即请道安。”“此致，并颂时绥。”“此致，即颂近好。” 此种用法，在鲁迅先生信中经常出现。

其四，只用“敬礼”。这里虽无“此致”，但明眼人一看便知，“敬礼”即在此致敬之意。毛泽东、周恩来的书信中，此种用法甚多。人们习惯上将这里的“敬礼”另起一行顶格写，毛泽东则多是在次行空两格。前者相当于提行，后者则无异另起一段，都表示尊重。而毛泽东将“此致”与“敬礼”连用时“敬礼”则必顶格写。

其五，“专此”。专，强调单独、专一。此，即这些。“专此”即特意写了这些（给您），表示煞尾。“专此”之后，再写祝颂问安语。如毛泽东致傅作义（1936年10月25日）用“专此。即颂戎绥”。周恩来致陈伯达等人（1946年7月 1日）则干脆用“专此。敬礼！”鲁迅致母亲多次用“专此，恭请金安”。

其六，“专此布达”。这里的“专此”词义与上述相同，但它与“布达”（布是陈述，达即明白）连在一起才起煞尾作用，其意即，专门写了这些向您说明。然后，再缀各种祝词敬语，如“敬请诲安”、“敬颂康乐”、“并颂大安” 等。如鲁迅致姚克（1933年11月15日）：“专此布达，并颂文安”；陶行知致杨静桐（1940年7月1日）：“专此奉复。敬致谢悃。并祝康健！”同类短语有“专此布陈”、“专此奉复”、“专此敬复”、“专此肃复”、“专此函约”、“专此鸣谢”等。

其七，“此令”。此语出现于各种令文（命令、指令、训令、任免令等）的结尾。有的令文在“此令”后面要写明接受命令的机关或官员名称，有如上述第二种用法的“此致”，“令”作动词用。民国时期，有的将接受命令的机关名称和官员姓名写在命令的开头，文末则不再写，但结尾处仍习惯性地保留此语。其明显的“痕迹”是，尽管在文末，却没有标点。这里的“令”已无动词作用，“此令”也只起归结和结束全文的作用。“此札”、“此布”、“此批”、“此状”、“此复”、“此咨”等与此大体相同。

商标符号

• ™ (for an unregistered trade mark, that is, a mark used to promote or brand goods)
• ℠ (for an unregistered service mark, that is, a mark used to promote or brand services)
• ® (for a registered trademark)

worldport of UPS

前几年看了弗里德曼的"The world is flat"，书中提到了 UPS 的 worldport，颇有赞誉。Worldport 就像一个神奇的巨大的黑盒子，把从入口送进去的大小不一，重量不一，目的地不一的邮件传送到合适的出口，以便飞机运送到世界各地。

那是占地很大的一个4层房子，里面都是密密麻麻的高速的传送带，邮件和包裹就跑在这些传送带上，自动的传送到正确的位置。除了正确以外，效率也至关重要。Ultimate Factory 介绍了 worldport 是如何完整这项任务的。

整套系统里，标签的识别当然都是自动的，系统识别不出来有另外的人工干预，这里要说的是如何正确迅速的把邮件送到相应的出口。UPS 把邮件分为小邮件、包裹和不规则邮件三种，这项工作在入口由人工完成。不规则邮件的处理也是人工完成的，主要是人工扫描，人工放置平稳就可以了，剩下工作还是传送带做的。

小邮件的出口统一在长长的传送带旁边，传送带上是一个一个畚箕状的小格子，每个格子有上一个邮件，如果传送到了正确出口，畚箕就会倾斜，邮件就落到相应的出口袋子里。这个过程中有人工把邮件放置在小格子里，并且保证一个格子只能放一个邮件。

大邮件的处理更神奇一点。传送带系统就像公路系统，邮件就像没有轮子的车子，要走合适的道路。传送带在分岔口段是由一排横杠组成的，每根横杠上有可以自动左右移动的零件，像算盘上的算珠一样。如果一个邮件要往右走，位于左边的算珠就向右移动，把邮件拨到右边的传送带。此外，还要这个系统借助了交通系统的一些概念，比如保证邮件之间的距离，保证分岔口邮件不会碰撞。

邮件分流传送系统是 Worldport 最重要的部分，此外 worldport 还是一个分机场，最繁忙的时候，可以容纳好几十架飞机同时装卸邮件。整个系统的细节也不容忽视，比如安置在地上的滑轮，转向可以360度变化，保证一个人就可以拖动大量笨重的邮件。也许每个技术看起来都很平常，但是整合起来，做成一个高效准确的系统，实在是不容易的。

房价

看了两期锵锵三人行，嘉宾连着是任志强，应该是一次访谈切成两段了。任总在中国算得上社会公怨，因为他公开表示房价还要涨，还应该涨，年轻人就不应该买房，没钱别在大城市买房等等言论，不管说得有理没理，民众很生气。这些话在节目里他也重复说了，作为一个没有房子的人，我其实觉得也不算很刺耳。

租房到底可不可以，必须要买房子吗？我还是想不清楚。徐子东说的一句话，很有道理，“中国的社会，是一个阶层阶级的划分，不是靠具体的数字，物质财产，而是靠上下比较的。”我总觉得，现在很多人买房更像是体现自己的能力，而不是全盘考虑生活品质而作出的优化决策，当然体现能力也是被整个氛围逼的，比如不买房讨不到老婆。在我看来，省吃俭用，买一套房子实在还不如先租房。

北京邮电大学男博士遗书

想好了。我想我真的想好了。

这个世界是一沟绝望的死水，我在这里再怎么折腾也激不起半点涟漪。所有的努力都会被既得利益集团踩在脚下，所有的奋斗都面临着举步维艰。

冷漠的人，谢谢你们曾经看轻我，让我最终下了这样的决心。世俗的炎凉，尘世的丑恶，恶心的嘴脸，可恶的压力，你们都随风去吧。

对不起。对不起。

我可怜的让我万般不舍的妈妈，最对不起的就是你……

我此刻一想到你苍苍的白发，粗糙的双手，一年大部分的饭菜只是馒头就咸菜，一件蓝色的夹克穿了那么多年，每年过年都是那一件，我都会心痛得要死。

儿子不孝，不肖，没能让您的付出得到回报，这么多年您一个人含辛茹苦供我一直读到北邮的博士啊……曾经，我所有对您的承诺，都没有办法履行了，对不起，对不起。儿子是一个没有用的人，自从离开老家以来，其实无时无刻不在想着让您也能来北京吃一次烤鸭，看看天安门和故宫，住上楼房，坐上小车，不用再为了我去捡垃圾、拾破烂，不用再去给人家工地上做饭赚钱瞧人家白眼……可是，这么多年了，我什么都没有给您，我甚至连您一直想要却舍不得买的假牙伴侣都没能给您买到，每当晚上躺在床上想到您每顿饭都在用那戴不牢的假牙痛苦地磨着干涩的馒头，我的眼泪就止不住地流……一百块啊，不过是一百块啊，一百块还不够那些老板官员们抽一盒烟的钱，我却给你买不起！

我太没用了。现在知识太没用了。有用的只是金钱和权势，有用的只是关系和背景。现在要凭正直的才华去出人头地，太难太难了。我也曾试着找过工作，但是没有人用我。我对这个世界彻底地绝望了。绝望了。我的肝又开始痛了，不能再写下去了……

我走之后哥哥一家就应该会对您好点了，保重……

终于可以一了百了了，我很高兴。永别了，妈！

2010年3月22日

保佑你的在天之灵，在遥远的地方不用再受人世之苦。而人世间，你留下的是，你妈妈一辈子的悲伤。最后要感谢你，让我看到了自己的一个优点，就是即使现在的我再怎么不优秀，还是很乐观。

真正的速度

下面的台词来自《无极》，虽然电影很烂，这句台词却是很好的。

真正的速度你是看不见的，就像风起云涌、日落月升，就像你不知道树叶什么时候变黄，不知道你的孩子什么时候长出第一颗牙，不知道你会在什么时候爱上一个人。

春天到了，了无生气的我，隔三岔五的会注目到湖边的柳枝。每次看，都感叹默默生长的力量。刚回来时候还是光光的树干，现在已经抽枝发芽，长长的枝条随风摇曳了。要是盯着她们看，是看不出变化的。可是事实上每一分每一秒，她们都在成长和变化，是不过细微得逃过了我们的眼睛。
人也是一样的，要分分秒秒，都成长，虽然前进的慢，但一段时间后来看，就看到变化了。也有些人，像我一样的，把细微时间的细微变化不当回事儿，过一段时间看，就会和别人拉开很大的距离了。

It is time to pass health care reform by 奥巴马在众议院

非常不错。

视频

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you, everybody. Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you. Everybody, please have a set.

To Leader Reid, to Steny Hoyer, John Larson, Xavier Becerra, Jim Clyburn, Chris Van Hollen, to an extraordinary leader and extraordinary Speaker of the House, Nancy Pelosi, and to all the members here today, thank you very much for having me. (Applause.) Thanks for having me and thanks for your tireless efforts waged on behalf of health insurance reform in this country.

I have the great pleasure of having a really nice library at the White House. And I was tooling through some of the writings of some previous Presidents and I came upon this quote by Abraham Lincoln: “I am not bound to win, but I’m bound to be true. I’m not bound to succeed, but I’m bound to live up to what light I have.”

This debate has been a difficult debate. This process has been a difficult process. And this year has been a difficult year for the American people. When I was sworn in, we were in the midst of the worst recession since the Great Depression. Eight hundred thousand people per month were losing their jobs. Millions of people were losing their health insurance. And the financial system was on the verge of collapse.

And this body has taken on some of the toughest votes and some of the toughest decisions in the history of Congress. Not because you were bound to win, but because you were bound to be true. Because each and every one of you made a decision that at a moment of such urgency, it was less important to measure what the polls said than to measure what was right.

A year later, we’re in different circumstances. Because of the actions that you’ve taken, the financial system has stabilized. The stock market has stabilized. Businesses are starting to invest again. The economy, instead of contracting, is now growing again. There are signs that people are going to start hiring again. There’s still tremendous hardship all across the country, but there is a sense that we are making progress -- because of you.

But even before this crisis, each and every one of us knew that there were millions of people across America who were living their own quiet crises. Maybe because they had a child who had a preexisting condition and no matter how desperate they were, no matter what insurance company they called, they couldn’t get coverage for that child. Maybe it was somebody who had been forced into early retirement, in their 50s not yet eligible for Medicare, and they couldn’t find a job and they couldn’t find health insurance, despite the fact that they had some sort of chronic condition that had to be tended to.

Every single one of you at some point before you arrived in Congress and after you arrived in Congress have met constituents with heart-breaking stories. And you’ve looked them in the eye and you’ve said, we’re going to do something about it -- that’s why I want to go to Congress.

And now, we’re on the threshold of doing something about it. We’re a day away. After a year of debate, after every argument has been made, by just about everybody, we’re 24 hours away.

As some of you know, I’m not somebody who spends a lot of time surfing the cable channels, but I’m not completely in the bubble. I have a sense of what the coverage has been, and mostly it’s an obsession with “What will this mean for the Democratic Party? What will this mean for the President’s polls? How will this play out in November? Is this good or is this bad for the Democratic majority? What does it mean for those swing districts?”

And I noticed that there’s been a lot of friendly advice offered all across town. (Laughter.) Mitch McConnell, John Boehner, Karl Rove -- they’re all warning you of the horrendous impact if you support this legislation. Now, it could be that they are suddenly having a change of heart and they are deeply concerned about their Democratic friends. (Laughter.) They are giving you the best possible advice in order to assure that Nancy Pelosi remains Speaker and Harry Reid remains Leader and that all of you keep your seats. That’s a possibility. (Laughter.)

But it may also be possible that they realize after health reform passes and I sign that legislation into law, that it’s going to be a little harder to mischaracterize what this effort has been all about.

Because this year, small businesses will start getting tax credits so that they can offer health insurance to employees who currently don’t have it. (Applause.) Because this year, those same parents who are worried about getting coverage for their children with preexisting conditions now are assured that insurance companies have to give them coverage -- this year. (Applause.)

Because this year, insurance companies won’t suddenly be able to drop your coverage when you get sick -- (applause) -- or impose lifetime limits or restrictive limits on the coverage that you have. Maybe they know that this year, for the first time, young people will be able to stay on their parents’ health insurance until they’re 26 years old and they’re thinking that just might be popular all across the country. (Applause.)

And what they also know is what won’t happen. They know that after this legislation passes and after I sign this bill, lo and behold nobody is pulling the plug on Granny. (Laughter.) It turns out that in fact people who like their health insurance are going to be able to keep their health insurance; that there’s no government takeover. People will discover that if they like their doctor, they’ll be keeping their doctor. In fact, they’re more likely to keep their doctor because of a stronger system.

It’ll turn out that this piece of historic legislation is built on the private insurance system that we have now and runs straight down the center of American political thought. It turns out this is a bill that tracks the recommendations not just of Democrat Tom Daschle, but also Republicans Bob Dole and Howard Baker; that this is a middle-of-the-road bill that is designed to help the American people in an area of their lives where they urgently need help.

Now, there are some who wanted a single-payer government-run system. That’s not this bill. The Republicans wanted what I called the “foxes guard the henhouse approach” in which we further deregulate the insurance companies and let them run wild, the notion being somehow that that was going to lower costs for the American people. I don’t know a serious health care economist who buys that idea, but that was their concept. And we rejected that, because what we said was we want to create a system in which health care is working not for insurance companies but it’s working for the American people, it’s working for middle class families.

So what did we do? What is the essence of this legislation? Number one, this is the toughest insurance reforms in history. (Applause.) We are making sure that the system of private insurance works for ordinary families. A prescription -- this is a patient’s bill of rights on steroids. So many of you individually have worked on these insurance reforms -- they are in this package -- to make sure that families are getting a fair deal; that if they’re paying a premium, that they’re getting a good service in return; making sure that employers, if they are paying premiums for their employees, that their employees are getting the coverage that they expect; that insurance companies are not going to game the system with fine print and rescissions and dropping people when they need it most, but instead are going to have to abide by some basic rules of the road that exemplify a sense of fairness and good value. That’s number one.

The second thing this does is it creates a pool, a marketplace, where individuals and small businesses, who right now are having a terrible time out there getting health insurance, are going to be able to purchase health insurance as part of a big group -- just like federal employees, just like members of Congress. They are now going to be part of a pool that can negotiate for better rates, better quality, more competition.

And that’s why the Congressional Budget Office says this will lower people’s rates for comparable plans by 14 to 20 percent. That’s not my numbers -- that’s the Congressional Budget Office’s numbers. So that people will have choice and competition just like members of Congress have choice and competition.

Number three, if people still can’t afford it we’re going to provide them some tax credits -- the biggest tax cut for small businesses and working families when it comes to health care in history. (Applause.)

And number four, this is the biggest reduction in our deficit since the Budget Balance Act -- one of the biggest deficit reduction measures in history -- over $1.3 trillion that will help put us on the path of fiscal responsibility. (Applause.)

And that’s before we count all the game-changing measures that are going to assure, for example, that instead of having five tests when you go to the doctor you just get one; that the delivery system is working for patients, not just working for billings. And everybody who’s looked at it says that every single good idea to bend the cost curve and start actually reducing health care costs are in this bill.

So that’s what this effort is all about. Toughest insurance reforms in history. A marketplace so people have choice and competition who right now don’t have it and are seeing their premiums go up 20, 30, 40, 50 percent. Reductions in the cost of health care for millions of American families, including those who have health insurance. The Business Roundtable did their own study and said that this would potentially save employers $3,000 per employee on their health care because of the measures in this legislation.

And by the way, not only does it reduce the deficit -- we pay for it responsibly in ways that the other side of the aisle that talks a lot about fiscal responsibility but doesn’t seem to be able to walk the walk can’t claim when it comes to their prescription drug bill. We are actually doing it. (Applause.) This is paid for and will not add a dime to the deficit -- it will reduce the deficit. (Applause.)

Now, is this bill perfect? Of course not. Will this solve every single problem in our health care system right away? No. There are all kinds of ideas that many of you have that aren’t included in this legislation. I know that there has been discussion, for example, of how we’re going to deal with regional disparities and I know that there was a meeting with Secretary Sebelius to assure that we can continue to try to make sure that we’ve got a system that gives people the best bang for their buck. (Applause.)

So this is not -- there are all kinds of things that many of you would like to see that isn’t in this legislation. There are some things I’d like to see that’s not in this legislation. But is this the single most important step that we have taken on health care since Medicare? Absolutely. Is this the most important piece of domestic legislation in terms of giving a break to hardworking middle class families out there since Medicare? Absolutely. Is this a vast improvement over the status quo? Absolutely.

Now, I still know this is a tough vote, though. I know this is a tough vote. I’ve talked to many of you individually. And I have to say that if you honestly believe in your heart of hearts, in your conscience, that this is not an improvement over the status quo; if despite all the information that’s out there that says that without serious reform efforts like this one people’s premiums are going to double over the next five or 10 years, that folks are going to keep on getting letters from their insurance companies saying that their premium just went up 40 or 50 percent; if you think that somehow it’s okay that we have millions of hardworking Americans who can’t get health care and that it’s all right, it’s acceptable, in the wealthiest nation on Earth that there are children with chronic illnesses that can’t get the care that they need -- if you think that the system is working for ordinary Americans rather than the insurance companies, then you should vote no on this bill. If you can honestly say that, then you shouldn’t support it. You’re here to represent your constituencies and if you think your constituencies honestly wouldn’t be helped, you shouldn’t vote for this.

But if you agree that the system is not working for ordinary families, if you’ve heard the same stories that I’ve heard everywhere, all across the country, then help us fix this system. Don't do it for me. Don’t do it for Nancy Pelosi or Harry Reid. Do it for all those people out there who are struggling.

Some of you know I get 10 letters a day that I read out of the 40,000 that we receive. Started reading some of the ones that I got this morning. “Dear President Obama, my daughter, a wonderful person, lost her job. She has no health insurance. She had a blood clot in her brain. She’s now disabled, can’t get care.” “Dear President Obama, I don’t yet qualify for Medicare. COBRA is about to run out. I am desperate, don't know what to do.”

Do it for them. Do it for people who are really scared right now through no fault of their own, who’ve played by the rules, who’ve done all the right things, and have suddenly found out that because of an accident, because of an ailment, they’re about to lose their house; or they can’t provide the help to their kids that they need; or they’re a small business who up until now has always taken pride in providing care for their workers and it turns out that they just can’t afford to do it anymore and they’ve having to make a decision about do I keep providing health insurance for my workers or do I just drop their coverage or do I not hire some people because I simply can’t afford it -- it’s all being gobbled up by the insurance companies.

Don’t do it for me. Don’t do it for the Democratic Party. Do it for the American people. They’re the ones who are looking for action right now. (Applause.)

I know this is a tough vote. And I am actually confident -- I’ve talked to some of you individually -- that it will end up being the smart thing to do politically because I believe that good policy is good politics. (Applause.) I am convinced that when you go out there and you are standing tall and you are saying I believe that this is the right thing to do for my constituents and the right thing to do for America, that ultimately the truth will out.

I had a wonderful conversation with Betsy Markey. I don't know if Betsy is around here. There she is right there. (Applause.) Betsy is in a tough district. The biggest newspaper is somewhat conservative, as Betsy described. They weren’t real happy with health care reform. They were opposed to it. Betsy, despite the pressure, announced that she was in favor of this bill. And lo and behold, the next day that same newspaper runs an editorial saying, you know what, we’ve considered this, we’ve looked at the legislation, and we actually are pleased that Congresswoman Markey is supporting the legislation. (Applause.)

When I see John Boccieri stand up proud with a whole bunch of his constituencies -- (applause) -- in as tough a district as there is and stand up with a bunch of folks from his district with preexisting conditions and saying, you know, I don’t know what is going on Washington but I know what’s going on with these families -- I look at him with pride.

Now, I can’t guarantee that this is good politics. Every one of you know your districts better than I do. You talk to folks. You’re under enormous pressure. You’re getting robocalls. You’re getting e-mails that are tying up the communications system. I know the pressure you’re under. I get a few comments made about me. I don’t know if you’ve noticed. (Laughter.) I’ve been in your shoes. I know what it’s like to take a tough vote.

But what did Lincoln say? “I am not bound to win, but I am bound to be true.” Two generations ago, folks who were sitting in your position, they made a decision -- we are going to make sure that seniors and the poor have health care coverage that they can count on. And they did the right thing.

And I’m sure at the time they were making that vote, they weren’t sure how the politics were either, any more than the people who made the decision to make sure that Social Security was in place knew how the politics would play out, or folks who passed the civil rights acts knew how the politics were going to play out. They were not bound to win, but they were bound to be true.

And now we’ve got middle class Americans, don’t have Medicare, don’t have Medicaid, watching the employer-based system fray along the edges or being caught in terrible situations. And the question is, are we going to be true to them?

Sometimes I think about how I got involved in politics. I didn’t think of myself as a potential politician when I get out of college. I went to work in neighborhoods, working with Catholic churches in poor neighborhoods in Chicago, trying to figure out how people could get a little bit of help. And I was skeptical about politics and politicians, just like a lot of Americans are skeptical about politics and politicians are right now. Because my working assumption was when push comes to shove, all too often folks in elected office, they’re looking for themselves and not looking out for the folks who put them there; that there are too many compromises; that the special interests have too much power; they just got too much clout; there’s too much big money washing around.

And I decided finally to get involved because I realized if I wasn’t willing to step up and be true to the things I believe in, then the system wouldn’t change. Every single one of you had that same kind of moment at the beginning of your careers. Maybe it was just listening to stories in your neighborhood about what was happening to people who’d been laid off of work. Maybe it was your own family experience, somebody got sick and didn’t have health care and you said something should change.

Something inspired you to get involved, and something inspired you to be a Democrat instead of running as a Republican. Because somewhere deep in your heart you said to yourself, I believe in an America in which we don’t just look out for ourselves, that we don’t just tell people you’re on your own, that we are proud of our individualism, we are proud of our liberty, but we also have a sense of neighborliness and a sense of community -- (applause) -- and we are willing to look out for one another and help people who are vulnerable and help people who are down on their luck and give them a pathway to success and give them a ladder into the middle class. That’s why you decided to run. (Applause.)

And now a lot of us have been here a while and everybody here has taken their lumps and their bruises. And it turns out people have had to make compromises, and you’ve been away from families for a long time and you’ve missed special events for your kids sometimes. And maybe there have been times where you asked yourself, why did I ever get involved in politics in the first place? And maybe things can’t change after all. And when you do something courageous, it turns out sometimes you may be attacked. And sometimes the very people you thought you were trying to help may be angry at you and shout at you. And you say to yourself, maybe that thing that I started with has been lost.

But you know what? Every once in a while, every once in a while a moment comes where you have a chance to vindicate all those best hopes that you had about yourself, about this country, where you have a chance to make good on those promises that you made in all those town meetings and all those constituency breakfasts and all that traveling through the district, all those people who you looked in the eye and you said, you know what, you’re right, the system is not working for you and I’m going to make it a little bit better.

And this is one of those moments. This is one of those times where you can honestly say to yourself, doggone it, this is exactly why I came here. This is why I got into politics. This is why I got into public service. This is why I’ve made those sacrifices. Because I believe so deeply in this country and I believe so deeply in this democracy and I’m willing to stand up even when it’s hard, even when it’s tough.

Every single one of you have made that promise not just to your constituents but to yourself. And this is the time to make true on that promise. We are not bound to win, but we are bound to be true. We are not bound to succeed, but we are bound to let whatever light we have shine. We have been debating health care for decades. It has now been debated for a year. It is in your hands. It is time to pass health care reform for America, and I am confident that you are going to do it tomorrow.

Thank you very much, House of Representatives. Let’s get this done. (Applause.)

END
4:24 P.M. EDT

噩梦

周日凌晨，做了一个噩梦。梦里，实验室成了一个很大很大的房间，很多个小格子，每个小格人上都有人，人满为患。有人告诉我，我的位置被取消了，上面来了新人。我很悲伤，又委屈，只好提着书包，走啊走啊，和另一个人诉苦。

然后走在一条长长的狭窄的斜坡上，走啊走啊，走不到头。。。。

2010 上海世博会

世博园区图

虹桥枢纽东交通中心实用攻略

http://sh.eastday.com/kpzh/hq2/index.html

GMO, transgenic, 转基因

对于 GMO，我开始抱有怀疑的态度。但不是针对转基因食品的。吃转基因食品有没有害？我觉得现在已经很难完全不吃到转基因食品，它已经从各方面渗透到我们的食物链中。好像也没听说吃转基因食品吃出问题的。长期吃有没有害？或者害处是不是长久才表现出来？这个目前没有答案。但是关于GMO争论的焦点，不是在产出的产品的安全上。

其一，采用GMO，亩产是不是会更高呢，农药是不是打得更少了。实际的例子并非如此。对于抗除草剂，抗虫的GMO，和精心照料的纯农作物相比，亩产应该不会更高。GMO的好处在于可以大规模农作，省心省事。但是农药并不会少打，因为抗除草剂，经常出现除草剂使用量增加的情况。抗一种虫子，还是要打杀其他虫子的杀虫剂的。我觉得各地的生态系统都有不同，抗一种虫子，难免出现另一种虫子，称为新的主害。

其二，推广GMO，难免出现孟山都那样的公司。这个在多部纪录片中出现的公司，都被描绘得像恶魔一样，非常霸道的垄断种子，以及和GMO相关的农药，渗透政府高层，影响制订GMO的相关政策，凭借强大财力，靠诉讼摧毁和它作对的农户，推行告密政策，造成农民邻里不和。农民必须以高价向它买种子，因为种子含高科技，有专利，买了种子就必定要买相应的农药，不种它的种子，就会受到调查和邻里的监视，造成邻里不合，一不小心又有打官司的危险。除此以外，提高种植的硬件设施条件，诱使农户贷款，也是常用的手法。

国内的转基因水稻号称有自主知识产权，但是“自主知识产权”这几个字已经在国内已经被滥用了。到底有没有专利的牵扯呢？

最后要说的是保护纯种农作物，保护生物多样性。在很多推行GMO的国家，农民都抱怨即使不种GMO了，也很难买到纯种农作物的种子。这是人为的因素偏多。即使GMO和纯种农作物能够和平相处，也很难避免自然力量使得两种作物的交配，如此那些加进去的DNA就会逐渐普及，逐渐消灭纯种农作物。

Justice: what is the right thing to do

功利主义：
道德的最终目的是最大化效用。效用指个人或集体